CIVIL SOCIETY in Bracket MASYARAKAT MADANI

CIVIL SOCIETY
(This short note was delivered while addressing presentation on "Civil Society" held by Partai Keadilan Sejahtera branch Pakistan, Agust 5, 2008)

Sila Keadilan Sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia merupakan dasaran konstitusionil bagi pembentukan masyarakat madani atau Civil Society, yaitu masyarakat yang berperadaban. Civil Society secara literatur Inggris berarti Masyarakat Sipil, namun padanan yang dirasa paling tepat adalah masyarakat madani atau beradab. Inilah tatanan masyarakat yang demokratis, terbuka dan berkeadilan sosial serta berwawasan kedepan hingga masa setelah kehidupan dunia berakhir (demi memberikan sedikit pembeda antara konsep Islam dan Barat).

Sejarah dan perkembangan konsep Masyarakat Madani di Eropa biasanya dikaitkan pada runtutan historis masa Pencerahan pada abad ke-18. Sebelum masa itu, para sarjana klasik telah memberikan andil yang cukup signifikan dalam proses pembentukan masyarakat madani tersebut. Para pemikir dan ahli filsafat semisal Plato dan Aristoteles menawarkan beberapa konsep pemikiran yang brilian, seperti good society, dialog publik “dialectic”, common good, philosopher kings dan lain sebagainya. Munculnya bermacam tawaran ide dan konsepsi diatas bermuara pada satu tujuan, pencapaian masyarakat yang adil dan damai, masyarakat madani. Pun para sarjana periode Pencerahan, juga memberikan kontribusi pemikiran yang lebih modern dan sistematis, merefleksikan pengaruh kejadian-kejadian kemanusian dan perubahan sosial yang terjadi silih berganti di Eropa. Seperti Thomas Hobbes dengan teori sosial kontraknya dan John Lock dengan konsepsi Leviathan.

Sejarah Islam menuliskan, betapa Rasulullah SAW memberikan teladan yang baik dalam pembentukan masyarakat madani ini. Setelah melewati fase dakwah yang sangat sulit di Mekkah, beliau diperintahkan untuk hijrah ke Yatsrib, sebuah kota yang terletak sejauh 400 KM dari Mekkah. Disinilah fase baru dimulai, ketika peletakan batu pertama sistem dakwah Islam terlingkup dalam sebuah institusi pemerintahan yang sangat modern pada zamannya. Sebuah pelembagaan masyarakat yang tercatat dalam Piagam Madinah. Inilah yang menjadi bukti konkret betapa masyarakat Madinah telah meletakkan dasar-dasar masyarakat madani. Piagam ini menggariskan ketentuan hidup bersama dan untuk pertama kalinya, memperkenalkan kepada manusia wawasan kebebasan, utamanya di bidang agama dan politik.

Hablum mina-l-Allah merupakan salah satu landasan pembentukan masyarakat madani. Ini berarti, bahwa perjuangan Rasulullah SAW tersebut bertujuan pencapaian sistem sosial yang demokratis, terbuka, adil dan berorientasi pada ketakwaan kepada Allah SWT. Konsep ini meletakkan sandaran tertinggi pada kuasa Tuhan sebagai refleksi terhadap hubungan vertikal antara hamba dan Tuhannya. Dan, jika sikap ketakwaan ini tulus dan baik, maka akan terealisasi dalam pembentukan semangat perikemanusiaan, berupa sikap toleran, mengasihi dan menolong sesama, menghargai orang lain dan lain sebagainya. Inilah dimensi hablun-min-an-naas, relasi horizontal antara hamba dan hamba. Demikianlah esensi masyarakat madani atau Civil Society yang dibangun oleh Nabi. Masyarakat yang berbudi luhur, berperadaban, mengasihi sesama dan berserah diri pada Tuhan.

Hingga saat ini, Indonesia harus mengalami bermacam krisis sosial, politik dan keamanan. Upaya reformasi dan runtuhnya dominasi otoriter Orde Baru, memberikan angin segar bagi lahirnya fondasi demokrasi di segala bidang. Meski demikian, tegaknya supremasi hukum, penghargaan terhadap HAM, sistem politik yang memungkinkan Checks and Balances antar lembaga pemerintah, sebagai unsur penting penegakan demokrasi, masih sebatas mimpi. Negara berjalan tertatih-tatih untuk menerapkan prinsip-prinsip tersebut. Ironisnya, masyarakat belum terlalu “cerdas” untuk memahami konsep demokrasi yang aplikatif, menganggap seakan-akan seluruh permasalahan bisa diselesaikan melalui unjuk rasa atau mendirikan organisasi tandingan. Demokrasi ternyata tidak cukup dibangun dengan terpilihnya pemimpin sipil melalui pemilihan umum yang jujur dan adil atau kolaps-nya sebuah pemerintahan yang otoriter.

Salah satu konsep yang bisa ditawarkan, terkait pembentukan Civil Society adalah memperkuat supremasi pemerintah dan konsolidasi masyarakat sebagai penyeimbang negara. Maka, diperlukan sebuah upaya reposisi kelembagaan politik, publik dan sosial kemasyarakatan dan kemudian diimbangi oleh pemahaman terhadap worldview yang berorientasi pada nilai-nilai religius, etika dan moral dalam setiap individu.

SUMBER BACAAN:

-Azra, Azyumardy, Civil Society dan Agama, Republika, Resonansi, Thursday, 12 July 2007
-Center, Madani, Menemukan Sosok Masyarakat Madani Indonesia Bag, The Indonesian Information center for better lives, Tuesday, July 22, 2008
-E:\News\Civil Society\Civil society - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.mht
-E:\News\Civil Society\Imparsial Report.mht
-Hamid, Usman, Kelompok HAM: Dari Resistensi Menuju Akuntabilitas Moral dan Prosedural, Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasan (KontraS)
-Istilah "Masyarakat Madani" dan Perkembangannya di Indonesia, bahtera@egroups.com, Sat, 14 Aug 1999 20:29:01 +0100,
-Madjid, Nurcholish, Menuju Masyarakat Madani
-O'Brien, Roy, Philosophical History of the Idea of Civil Society, February 1999

KONSPIRASI IMPERIALISME DAN KAPITALISME GLOBAL
Delivered on a general discussion on "Political Role of Ulema and Military of the Developing Countries" held by IKPM in association with KBRI Islamabad Pakistan 25th July 2008

MUKADDIMAH

Catatan ini akan sedikit mengulas sebuah fenomena relasi kaum agamawan dan militer di Negara-negara yang dikategorikan sebagai Negara ketiga atau Negara berkembang. Pokok pembicaraan yang ingin diketengahkan disini, berargumen bahwa permasalahan multi dimensi yang sedang dialami oleh Negara-negara tersebut merupakan dampak negatif yang ditimbulkan oleh arus globalisasi yang ternyata hanyalah sebuah refleksi dari semacam model atau sistem kolonialisme masa kini. Pernyataan ini membantah asumsi bahwa, ketertinggalan Negara-negara dunia ketiga dalam bidang keilmuan, teknologi serta stabilitas sistem perpolitikan maupun perekonomian yang kuat, sebagaimana telah dicapai oleh Barat, merupakan konsekwensi logis dari stagnasi perpolitikan dalam negeri dan instabilitas yang tiada henti. Ulasan ini menyanggah anggapan sebagian orang, bahwa perpolitikan dan urusan kenegaraan bukanlah domain kaum agamawan, namun sebaliknya memberikan penekanaan bahwa agama dan manusia merupakan bagian dari organ terpenting dalam pembentukan masyarakat yang adil dan berketuhanan.

DOMINASI AMERIKA

Dari sekian banyak perspektif manusia dunia ketiga ketika mencoba memahami ketertinggalan bangsanya, muncul sebuah asumsi yang memparalelkan tatanan dunia saat ini dengan dominasi dan supremasi Negara adidaya Amerika, utamanya bila kita merujuk kepada masa kulminasi imperialisme atau kolonialisme-nya terhadap dunia yaitu ketika terjadi perang dunia pertama, kedua dan perang dingin. Sikap dominan Amerika beserta sekutunya, telah membentuk sebuah tatanan masyarakat dunia yang harus tunduk pada diktasi dan perintahnya, terlebih ketika AS harus berhadapan dengan bermacam isu-isu dunia yang mengancam kepentingan dan eksistensinya. Bermacam strategi telah diupayakan untuk mengeliminasi berbagai kemungkinan munculnya kekuatan baru atau lama yang mampu mengirimkan sinyal perlawanan terhadap dominasi tersebut. Upaya tersebut kebanyakan bisa dibilang tidak konstitutional, bila kita menunjuk pada keterlibatan Amerika untuk menggoyang kekuasaan sipil di Sudan, Iran, Myanmar, Mesir dan lain-lain.

Amerika menganggap dirinya sebagai satu-satunya Negara adidaya yang memiliki peran sentral pembuka jalan bagi Negara-negara lainnya menuju pencapaian suatu pemerintahan politik yang demokratis. Upaya membumikan unsur-unsur demokrasi dianggap menjadi latar belakang sikap arogansi yang demikian, terlebih ketika diimbuhi dengan banner-banner lainnya seperti globalisasi, kebebasan dan HAM, sehingga dianggap telah memberikan legitimasi yang cukup bagi Amerika untuk terus berekspansi. Propanganda kotor, sangsi ekonomi, kebijakan luar negeri model stick and carrot, proxy war, akulturasi budaya dan pemikiran dan bahkan penggunaan hard politic sering kali diaplikasikan guna memberangus kekuatan-kekuatan penghalang.

KEBENCIAN TERHADAP AS

Terdapat wacana yang layak untuk dicermati, bahwa perubahan atau kejadian-kejadian terkait kemanusian global dalam beberapa dekade terakhir ini, semisal serangan terrorisme 11 September, Peledakan Bom di Inggris, Aktivitas program pengembangan Nuklir di Iran dan Korea Utara dan lain-lain, merupakan sinyal timbulnya poros-poros kekuatan pembangkang yang mengancam kepentingan AS kedepan. Nampaknya ada keterkaitan antara penyebab timbulnya aktivitas-aktivitas pengancam ini dengan program pendemokrasian dunia yang dicanangkan AS. Masyarakat dunia ketiga kecewa dan muak dengan segala bentuk indoktrinasi dan upaya implementasi Negara demokratis sebagaimana selalu digembar-gemborkan oleh AS. Kekecewaan ini cukup beralasan bila kita melihat pada kenyataan dilapangan. Dalam beberapa kasus, AS menganggap dirinya sebagai presedent utama dan personifikasi Negara paling demokratis, namun dalam kesempatan lain, justru AS sendirilah yang paling banyak melakukan pelanggaran terhadap etika demokrasi. Standar ganda inilah yang kemudian melatar belakangi kebencian dan sakit hati masyarakat dunia ketiga.

REZIM MILITER

Diantara skenario besar yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah AS paska runtuhnya kekuatan kolonialisme klasik, adalah mengamankan kepentingan-kepentingan luar negeri dan juga supremasi kekuatannya. Untuk itu perlu diupayakan sebuah konspirasi global tentang kolonialisme model baru. Yaitu sebuah sistem imperialisme modern yang mengatur hubungan antar Negara dalam suatu bentuk relasi dependensi yang memihak kepada keuntungan AS secara persisten. Implikasinya, Negara-negara lain harus dikondisikan subordinasi terhadap AS, sehingga akan selalu bergantung pada bantuan dan intervensi Negara adidaya tersebut. Pengkondisian tersebut termanifestasi dalam, terlepas dari legitimate atau tidak, pendudukan wilayah oleh sebuah kelompok atau entitas yang didukung AS. Atau juga menggulingkan kekuasaan melalui kudeta militer dan kemudian mendukung pola pemerintahan otoriterianisme militer. Sistem pemerintahan militer yang otoriter, kondisi ekonomi dan perpolitikan yang tidak menentu, sistem birokrasi yang korup dan feudal serta ketergantungan pada patronasi Negara lain meniscayakan kegagalan aktivitas-aktivitas atau ancaman-ancaman dari Negara dunia ketiga melawan dominasi AS. Kegagalan tersebut berasal dari bermacam faktor yang bervariasi mulai dari keterbatasan finansial/ pendanaan, Sumber Daya Manusia (teknologi), kemampuan lobby dan konsolidasi yang minim karena jumlah relasi yang sangat terbatas dan bahkan tidak ada, Political will yang tidak populer dan munculnya opsi-opsi lain yang mengharuskan prioritas kebijakan yang sangat mendesak.

RELASI ULAMA-MILITER

Munculnya kepemimpinan militer dalam percaturan perpolitikan sebuah Negara, biasanya lewat kudeta, memiliki kecenderungan untuk mengadopsi sikap pemerintahan yang represif dan otoriter. Hal ini bermuara pada satu kepentingan untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan dan kekuatan rezim militer. Rezim militer berusaha mengaplikasikan sistem militerisme internal yang tegas dan terorganisir kedalam kehidupan bernegara. Disini tugas dan tanggung jawab rezim militer tidak hanya berkutat pada masalah-masalah pengamanan Negara dari kemungkinan timbulnya konflik dalam negeri atau upaya-upaya subversif lainnya, namun juga terkait dengan kewajiban untuk mendapatkan dukungan dan legitimasi rakyat. Kondisi perpolitikan internal yang tenang dan dukungan massa yang kuat merupakan pondasi utama bagi kelanggengan kekuasaan militer.

Sementara itu, kaum agamawan di dunia ketiga merupakan organ transformasi sosial yang memiliki peran signifikan terhadap peri kehidupan masyarakat. Kaum agamawan tersebut melebur (manunggal) dalam kehidupan masyarakat dan mendapatkan kehormatan yang sangat tinggi. Nampaknya para penguasa militer dunia ketiga menyadari peran sosial tersebut dan kemudian berusaha merangkul dan mendapatkan support mereka. Setidaknya para penguasa militer menginginkan sebuah mediator, disamping sebagai penyedia legitimasi/ keabsyahan atas kepemimpinannya, antara hirarki kekuasaannya dengan masyarakat luas. Contoh konkrit dari keterpihakan kaum agamawan terhadap pemerintahan militer adalah pernyataan/ fatwa ulama Mesir untuk menjustifikasi kekuasaan militer Gamal Abdul Naseer pada tahun 1960an dan Anwar Sadat beberapa tahun berikutnya. Terlepas dari motif yang mendasari pembenaran kekuasaan otoriter ini, nampaknya peran sosial ulama sangat tergantung pada kekuatan otoritas militer yang berkuasa. Sehingga dalam beberapa kasus tertentu, banyak kaum agamawan harus bersepakat dengan para penguasa militer tersebut. Dampak yang ditimbulkan adalah hilangnya kredibilitas sosial dan stigma yang mendiskreditkan kaum agamawan sebagai pendukung "kemungkaran".

KESIMPULAN

Menurut saya demokrasi bukanlah hasil dari runtutan upaya yang tergesa-gesa atau dipaksakan. Banyak tahapan dan proses yang harus kita tempuh. Demokrasi adalah sebuah pencapaian yang berproses dan karenanya tidak ada justifikasi yang mendasar atas upaya pemaksaan untuk meletakkan unsur-unsur terpenting demokrasi dengan cara-cara yang represif, terlebih bila ditujukan untuk mengakomodir kepentingan individu penguasa belaka.

Terlepas dari itu, perlu disingkap dan terus diwacanakan konspirasi internasional dan imperialisme global AS sehingga membuka wawasan pemikiran masyarakat yang masih sangat sempit dan diharapkan mampu memberikan solusi pemecahan yang representatif sehingga menjadi alternatif perjuangan melawan dominasi/ imperialisme negatif Negara-negara maju. Ulama dan militer merupakan organ integral dalam pembentukan sebuah Negara yang maju dan demokratis. Kedua entitas ini memiliki peran masing-masing sehingga harus senantiasa bersinergi dalam sebuah framework pembangunan manusia seutuhnya dan ketahanan Negara yang mapan.


Referensi:

1. Aditya, Willy, Voices of Human Rights, Militer Dalam Suprastruktur Ideologi, 5 November 2007 - 15:16 WIB
2. Ananta, Pramoedya, Toer, Timor Timur Tragedi Sisa-Sisa Perang Dingin
3. apakabar@Radix.Net, INDONESIA, Sekularisme di Turki, Sinar Harapan, 26/10/2002.
4. Ardiansyah SH MA MH, Hipokrisi HAM Barat, Selasa 11 Desember 2007, Riau Pos.Com
5. Fuad, Ahmad, Fanani, Tokoh Indonesia.com OPINI: (03) Ulama dan Godaan Politik Kekuasaan
6. Gunaryadi, Angkatan Bersenjata dan Rakyat Hubungan Sipil-Militer July 2005.mht
7. Haryadi, Agus, Menggugat Tatanan Dunia, Beriman kepada Demokrasi, 21 September 2001
8. Hidayat, Luthfi, Politik Ulama, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia
9. Kadarsolihin, In, S.S. Ulama dalam Konstalasi Politik Orde Baru(Studi tentang Majelis Ulama Indonesia/MUI)
10. Muchdhor, Mustofa, Krisis Kemanusiaan dan Etika Global\
11. Mahasin, Aswab, Keterkaitan dan Hubungan Umara dan Ulama Dalam Islam, Artikel Yayasan Paramadina
12. Nugroho, Anjar, Hegemoni Barat dan Respon Islam.
13. Nasih, Mohammad, Campur Tangan Militer dalam Politik, Harian Umum Sore Sinar Harapan 23 Juni 2004

POVERTY AS A GREATEST COMMON ENEMY

THE SOUTH ASIAN POVERTY ALLEVIATION


This was a merely short note when to deliver presentation in May 2008, so you may find some sentences are either incomplete or less-elaborated.

SA has been standing between two contrasted ways of hope for a better life and a cataclysmic massive death. The former is understood due to its richness of human and natural resource and diverse cultures, and the latter a probability of a nuclear warfare that may take place at any cost associated with the fact of its being the most impoverished region of the world.

SA's governments have taken a priority of a national security over its' citizen security. The region has perpetually spent a $14 billion a year for this pursuance. This bulwark of budget is simply judged as equal to providing a year's primary school for about 119 million, a two years' safe drinking water for 200 million and a two years' health facility and service for 114 million poor people.

Poverty and Economic Growth Profile of SA

Here we want to explore the economic structure and profile of SA. The SA economic growth has been impressive but this is not comparable to that of other region partly ASEAN. The SA's economic growth rate is lower that ASEAN. The region has the world's highest rate of poverty. It has a 43% population below poverty line while ASEAN 14%, 24% of Latin America and 39% in Sub-Saharan Africa. There are at least three significant factors of economic deprivation that has implications for the quality of human capital and growth policy:

1. Percentage of malnourished children is far greater than that of poor to the overall population. India 53 and 35, Pak 38 and 29.

2. Percentage of dropping out children before grade 5 is greatest. 41% compared to 31% of developing world.

3. Percentage of (health care, sanitation, safe water) basic services-deprived population is quit high. As far as water is concerned, India owes 37%, Pak 40%.

The fact that large population denied of basic necessities and the growing military and bureaucratic apparatus has shown the state's failure to focus on a fundamental feature of nation building


The SA's Economic Structure

Despite of the high economic growth in SA, the poverty reduction has been low. India (1970-1990) figured from 53% to 35%, by contrast Indonesia (1970-1980) only one decade from 58% to 17%. The structure of economic growth process constrains the ability to reduce poverty. Why?

Among major structural factors of SA's economies that constrains poverty alleviation, partly that of women are:

1. Unequal distribution of agricultural and industrial assets and income for overall groups and gender.

2. The structure of output is concentrated towards low-value added products, thus low Labor productivity and low income

3. The second is due to a low-skilled level labor.

Then what are the Gov's macroeconomic policies?

The SA has been coordinating its policy and initiatives of economic growth and poverty alleviation with a joint cooperation of an IMF’s structural adjustment program. Despite this sound attempt, the program found its irrelevance and failure to address the problem and consequently has an adverse impact on economic growth and poverty reduction in the region, proof:

1. Liberalization of import and withdrawal of subsidies from a domestically produced goods and services.

2. Exchange rate devaluation that stimulates inflation and dependence on imported goods.

3. Constriction of money supply that generate recession; the increased interest rate and shortage of credit for private investment. This is due to the state's failure to locate and classify its annual expenditure and budget, thus wastages.

Again it shows that the macroeconomic policies undertaken with the IMF’s auspices have slown down the GDP, accelerated inflation and accentuated the poverty and unemployment.


What to suggest

Adoption of a participatory development and a pro-poor economic growth through:

1. Building up a village institution ensuring the potentiality of people direct participation.

2. Restructuring the economic growth through a set of a macroeconomic policy providing employments to the poor, direct credit, technical training, and infrastructure.

In short this policy includes:

1. Process meaning to encourage poor people's consciousness and realization of their potential

2. Empowerment, restructuring their identity, upgrading their skill and knowledge base.

3. Participation, direct involvement of poor in identifying projects, formulating, implementing and evaluating it. No longer representatives.

In a broader level, this macroeconomic initiative substantiates the involvement of the government, private sectors and foreign investment to:

1. Accelerate GDP growth gradually from 3 to 5 to 7 and 10 by:
A. To reduce fiscal deficit by a sharp reduction of a non-productive
Governmental expenditure.
B. Tariff rationalization thus easing export by private sectors.
C. To enhance the three sectors' relation

2. A shift from a low value added export products to high requiring the improved skill level labors.

3. Institutional support, training and credit for small industries.

My Islam to See Globalization

My Islam to see Globalization

Once upon time during my discussion with few colleagues, a simply notion of Islamic backwardness unleashed our Islamic humanism to suspect the Western style of globalization as the most recent issue uprooting and deflating Muslim awareness of their religious worldview. They no longer have idea of what constitutes either praiseworthy or blameworthy. What resulted then, after a long drawn explanation, have been personalities of simple mindedly capitalist, positivist, hedonist and irreligious modernity. This presupposed, should Muslim abandon their obsolete paradigm of historically Islamic tradition, they might be able to rejuvenate a modern mindset and vision of future to shape the world of their own as did the West. This blames Muslim, West has been holding, not only for their incapacity to think of reliable framework that might adequately give them light to adjusting their life to the changing world but also rigidity to grasp a revealed doctrine non-relevant to meet with the present complexities.

Muslims therefore, are argued to give a more appropriate meaning of their out-to-date religious perception as inhibiting scientific progress and becoming of obstacle towards modernity in a way that the Western deemed to have constrained and confined the spirit of innovative mind. As such is to drive and cultivate a new paradigm upholding perpetual emphasis on certain basic assumptions and gradual awareness of a world beyond our own homes where a utopia and challenge of unexplored life lay in store for us. It is a life of reality where religion has nothing to do with whatever matters. Will therefore, the religion be forgotten that day? If so, it must be the sole reason that its role is restricted to a domain that leaves neither necessity nor role in a secular modern world.

My standing at first, tends to discern certain arguments whose progenitors are my own daily friends. A flawed conception of underlined thinking has been positioning Islam as subject to Globalization in a sense that religious rhetoric to be justified so long as it endorsed Western-type of modernity. This era requires a prolonged rejuvenation of Islamic thought that may produce a more moderate understanding towards modern development like the way it is supposed to be, the West argues. Significant rethinking and fresh reinterpretation on certain scriptural meanings is needed so as to adjust Islam with nowadays world projection. Globalization provides us with lenses of secular thought through which we are to elucidate our values in a broader context of critically western way of analysis. This analysis attempts to scientifically explore this life expanding human’s ideas based on ratio at the expense of the to-be-flushed out cultural and religious calculations. This life is therefore engaged with only current western-programmed globalization that continues, at least in its dominant face, the ideals of progress, positivism, secularism, perfect society of forever removing religion and irrationality from human history.

What next happens is growing acceptance among Muslim of an unavoidable fact that Islam (Al-Quran) is to be viewed through mirror of globalization lent by secular professors. Does it mean, Islam’s unending relevance over times and spaces is now questioned? Yes it is. This gradually will induce on us a dream of future where no religion is involved to manage our flawless life.

My standing latter comes to venture into what our discussion has resumed. This venture initiates what we view as of alternate to possible headway we think we may be able to draw on. That we are to put aside a prone-to-be-regarded-modern way of thinking to critically and skeptically question our Islamic relevance, is worth of considering. This way urges a transformative attitude of how we should better look into our desperate world. Islam is not to be framed by globalization; rather this principle is vice versa. We have to internally cease adopting the Orientalist codes of seeing ourselves not through our historical eyes but through the lenses of Western categories. Islam has its own way of adjusting world plurality and globalization so as to keep it away from defying its religious arrangement. It is the ultimate scheme through which justification upon globalized progress is given or declined.

Islam, therefore has been coming to be seen as an increasingly discourse of counter towards Western globalization of particular matters. [1] It is indeed, about an alternative towards Western globalism, that is, a promise of a more spiritual society based on a unity of thought, of an alternative epistemology, an alternative notion of science and political economy. This means that the vision of the Ummah must draw on the cultural resources from Islamic history using them to engage with other civilizations through inclusive dialogue. However, the universal must be stated within evolutionary terms, as part of the human unfolding drama.

While the above presents an alternative paradigm of Islam, it is the vision of an Ummah, a global community of believers and non-believers that defines this alternative globalism. From this time, they know that the future of a more religiously accommodative globalization would be worth precisely as much as the paths they walk on to make this dream of alternative discourse come true. Finally, I would like to remind all, the overall globalization refers not only to economic, political and social domains but most importantly to that of religion. This implies global consciousness of Muslim Ummah towards enduring Islamic role to guide that globalization in any way whereas the converse is not applied. No matter what this will imply, regarding globalization that may be likely to favor Islam, I am intensely eager to make such possible headway adding to the already framed array of options that Muslim Ummah might have opted so as to behave within current world globalization. And let us see what special contribution each of us can perform that the globalization would have been to serve this life on our Islamic favor. We are not people who, when dark night approaches, lose either nerve or direction and alter our course in response to changing sign. Islam will always light our steps up.



Footnote:

Inayatullah, Sohail. Islamic Civilization in Globalization: From Islamic future to a post-western civilization.

HOW SIGNIFICANT INTERNATIONAL LAW IS

HOW SIGNIFICANT INTERNATIONAL LAW IS

Introduction

International Law is a set of rules generally regarded and accepted as binding in relations between states and nations, also called law of nations. It is a body of law governing the legal relations between states or nations.To qualify as a subject under the traditional definition of international law, a state had to be sovereign: it needed a territory, a population, a government, and the ability to engage in diplomatic or foreign relations. States within the United States, provinces, and cantons were not considered subjects of international law, because they lacked the legal authority to engage in foreign relations. In addition, individuals did not fall within the definition of subjects possessing rights and obligations under international law.

International law is the body of law that "regulates the activities of entities possessing international personality". Traditionally, that meant the conduct and relationships of states. However, it is now well established that international law also concerns the structure and conduct of international organizations, and, to a degree, that of multinational corporations and individuals. As Rosalyn Higgins stated, international law is a normative system "harnessed to the achievement of common values - values that speak to us all, whether we are rich or poor, black or white, of any religion or none, or come from countries that are industrialized or developing". [1] The necessity for international law arises from the need to ensure a process that regulates competing demands and establishes the framework for predictable and agreed community behavior.

The term "public international law" is occasionally used as a synonym to distinguish international law from "private international law". The latter regulates the relations between persons or entities in different states and is in fact not international law at all (a better term which has been suggested for private international law is "conflict of laws").

The scope of international law

International law establishes the framework and the criteria for identifying states as the principal actors in the international legal system’s the existence of a state presupposes control and jurisdiction over territory, international law deals with the acquisition of territory, state immunity and the legal responsibility of states in their conduct with each other. The law is similarly concerned with the treatment of individuals within state boundaries. There is thus a comprehensive regime dealing with group rights, the treatment of aliens, the rights of refugees, international crimes, nationality problems and human rights generally. It further includes the important functions of the maintenance of international peace and security, arms control, the pacific settlement of disputes and the regulation of the use of force in international relations. Even when the law is not able to stop the outbreak of war, it has developed principles to govern the conduct of hostilities and the treatment of prisoners. International law is also used to govern issues relating to the global environment, the global commons such as international waters and outer space, global communications, and world trade.

Whilst municipal law is hierarchical or vertical, with the legislature enacting binding legislation, international law is horizontal, with all states being sovereign and theoretically equal. Because of this, the value and authority of international law is dependent upon the voluntary participation of states in its formulation, observance, and enforcement. Although there may be exceptions, most states enter into legal commitments to other states out of enlightened self-interest rather than adherence to a body of law that is higher than their own. As D. W. Greig notes, "international law cannot exist in isolation from the political factors operating in the sphere of international relations". Where there are breaches of the law, international law has no established compulsory judicial system for the settlement of disputes or coercive penal system. That is not to say that there are no judicial or quasi-judicial tribunals in international law. The formation of the United Nations, for example, created a means for the world community to enforce international law upon members that violate its charter.

Traditionally, states were the sole subjects of international law. With the proliferation of international organizations over the last century, they have in some cases been recognized as relevant parties as well. Recent interpretations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international trade law have been inclusive of corporations, and even individuals.

Interpretation of International Law

Where there are disputes about the exact meaning and application of national laws, it is the responsibility of the courts to decide what the law means. In international law as a whole, there are no courts which have the authority to do this. It is generally the responsibility of states to interpret the law for themselves. Unsurprisingly, this means that there is rarely agreement in cases of dispute. The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties writes on the topic of interpretation that: "A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose."

This is actually a compromise between three different theories of interpretation: The textual approach is a restrictive interpretation which bases itself on the "ordinary meaning" of the text, the actual text has considerable weight. A subjective approach considers the idea behind the treaty, treaties "in their context", what the writers intended when they wrote the text.

A third approach bases itself on interpretation "in the light of its object and purpose", i.e. the interpretation that best suits the goal of the treaty, also called "effective interpretation".
These are general rules of interpretation; specific rules might exist in specific areas of international law.

What can international law help you in the future career?

International law can help us by many things of stability and change. But stability alone will not make it useful and effective. The law can never oblivious to the changes in life. International law ass well can help us and make easy to looking for a job. This very importance question for us and one again the international law will approve positive job. In this universal era people didn’t aware by discipline of law. If we study about this thing in the end will find a way. The organ of international law contributes to the clarification and development of international era.

Iran; A common enemy?

Iran, A common enemy?

Containing iran seems to have been the US's primary policy in the Middle East since it views the rash teocratic regime in Iran would apparently be deemedto pose serious threat to the US's very interests in the region. The regime change in Iran, the US urges, is the ultimate solution for a myriad problem of the Middle East. This perspective stems from its insistence that consolidation and progress will only derive from a unity. In order to unite all Middle East states under a single command, the US therefore has been applying harshretoric against Iran and pledging it the common enemy particularly of the region, and primary actor of world terrorisme. This persuasion is added several baseless accusations designating Iran responsible for Iraq and Afghanistan insurgency, a complicated Lebanon, Hamas extremism and Iran's bid for ascendancyto dominate over the region amounted to shift of balance of power to its favor. The bulk of these denunciations are further seemed to be more threatening to the regional and even international security because of its nuclear weapon projection regardless purposes it may have been built for. Whatever a peaceful aim is, the US insists, a nuclear proliferation attempted under a misleadership is dangerous and will only compromise the world's security. The US's provocation is accompanied by its building up a Naval Military presence in the Persian Gulf and providing a $75 Million for an envisioned regime change in Teheran. It has also been trying to utilize the International Institution of UN and persuading the Gulf States to rally their support of putting whatever pressure necessary to curbe Teheran. In so doing, the US provided a $20 Billion arms package to Saudi Arabia and Gulf Emirates thus enabling both to bemilitarily formiddable and commited to containing Teheran's influence. These steps are undertaken due to broad based expectation to reshape the socio-political set upof the region on the ease of the US and its indivisible partner Israel. The initiative then suggests the inception of sense of a common enemy on the mind of the Arab world againts Iran that may jeopardize their vulnerable security. The Shiite-led regime in Teheran, besides its nuclear capability, will instigate the Sunni Arab States to apparently temper their rival's behavior and limit its space of influence. Such figure is cultivated broadly and finally to generate the likely unity among Arab states to stand together against their common enemy (Iran), which it is so far not. Among consequences that the US hopes of this shift of Arab world's concentration, is that this unity will not only focus on a joint programme of military capability and defenses, but also a Middle East peace process with a more tolerant attitude of Palestinian leaders who may straightforwardly accept any proposals initiated by the US. This is important to show a bit explanation to comply with a presumably mischieveous move that the US has been so far conducting and a relatively wrong understanding of its present standing. The US seems failed to understand Iran insistence on its every action. It errs to equate Teheran with the collapsed Soviet Union which managed to globally expand its rule andinfluence all over the world, thus requiring its vast military capability of conquest which consequently implied a joint arrangement of broad based military deterrence by numerous countries led by the US.Soviet Union therefore has experienced the status of common enemy, at least againts the US and its allies. Teheran is by contrast not indicating any move of expanding its military superiority and or implementing any scriptural promises, but a quest to become a pivotal actor in the region, and a common enemy perception is nothing but merely of exageration. A provision of an attempted union of Gulf states is flawed because of the complexities the US has to figure out in Iraq.This newly restructured state may be of exception out of this union. This is clear since Saudi Arabia will never give its support to Shiite-controlled region of Iraq, it will only prefer the former's Sunni opponent instead.Meanwhile, the Iraqi Shiite leaders favor their Iranian counterparts and the US. This will of course leave the US's path to create a favorable Middle East landscape more complicated and make a nightmare of further Iraq's destabilisation as a front line to counter Iran come true. This unsound theory of Arab solidarity solidifies the US lack of ability to understand the diverse views of Arab states about Iran. Some states, like Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, are worried of Iranian influence towards their internal affairs while other, like Egypt and Jordan, assure a probable Iranian interference and its growing power to erode both's standing in the region, especially issues related to Palestine. Unlike the above states, Qatar and United Arab Emirates enjoyed beneficial economic relationship with Iran dated since 1990s. This contradictory attitude stimulates a more difficult task of initiating arab unity on the shoulder of the US besides a wide spread anti-US sentiment all over region and also the world. Another fact revealing the likely failed US's contaiment policy is pointed out towards its assumption of shift of Middle East focus from Israel-Palestine-related issues to Iran. This assumption looks ridiculous for its uncertainty to find any practical endorsement. For many decades, the Arabs held that Israel-Palestine conflict remained the utmost strategic issue to be solved and therefore perceiving Israel more acute threat to their very security. Teheran's condemnation and denunciation against any Israel misbehavior and its support for HAMAS and Hizbullah reflect its attempts to win Arab states' favor. All these, added with anti-US sentiment professes the more firmly Iran's standing than the US's in the region. The mentioned is of merely least consideration that the US government will have to confront with weighted problems in its way to applycontainment policy against Iran. This proposition presumably shows how heavy the costs of burden the US is to bear. The US learnt nothing from precedence of waging war against Soviet-supported Afghanistanin 1979s. Such struggle of promoting democracy and capitalism to break illegitimate regime and diminish communist influence in Afghanistan finally endep up with the up coming of Islamic Radicalism now known as Taliban or Al-Qaeda.The same may reappear as if the US continues to pursue its policy to militarily deflate and attack Iran. The consequence is predictable, a possible Sunni extemism to come up. Does the US realise this and will it take this into account?Option is available to suggest a better attitude of the US to undertaking a more beneficial of some sort of regional cooperation with all entities including Iran herself. Would the US and Arab states sit on the table of consolidation, putting asideobsolete minds, the region might have been able to coordinate their destinations and cooperate to persuasively embrace their very interests. All are given ways to assure their intentions of applying certain international policies without invokingany misperception of others.

INDO-PAKISTAN PEACE PROCESS

INDO-PAKISTAN PEACE PROCESS
(Views for the better relation between both countries)

Over the past year, India and Pakistan have been taking tentative steps towards improving their bilateral relations. The foreign ministers of both countries met to review the progress made on the Indo-Pakistani roadmap to peace. A hope for peaceful life is revived in South Asia region when several signals and attempts have been proposed to settle the Indo-Pak conflict. Despite the fact that reveals inaccuracy of prior attempts of settlement, many would still believe the possibility of peace process of the region. It seems that the most exacerbating part to have hampered this process is the nuclear capability which each of India and Pakistan operated. All would have considered the direct consequence of nuclear warfare as a result of Indo-Pak conflictual relation which would be deliberately destructive. Therefore global community of international world was very attentive and cautious to the region’s conflicting situation.

Currently, most analysts would state the availability of better chances towards this peace process. Each of India and Pakistan which largely dominate strategic affairs within the region for their bit of superiority looks more aware of ineffective gains they might attain from their tension. They begin then to conceive ineffectiveness of such rivalry, and shift their attention to establish a better relation of peaceful life which ultimately allows them to acquire much more mutual gains. Thus, this perspective deserves great attention and impression of external power like US since the form of relations between India and Pakistan would shape or at least give significant influence to the regional circumstances. While still deeply divided over issue of Kashmir and in agreement that the tangible outcomes have been minimal to date, both reaffirmed their commitment to the ongoing process. The emerging development merits attention for several reasons. First, South Asia is the only region in the world where two nuclear-armed neighbors are in active conflict. Second, Pakistan is a critical partner in the global war in terror, particularly US which wants to ensure Pakistan’s active support to counter terrorism activities along the Pakistan-Afghanistan borders and within Pakistan. Third, one of the few means that Pakistan has developed to coerce concessions from India has been the use of militants. Given the complexities and challenges facing both states, there should be joint initiative and cooperation of the two. It is agreed that India and Pakistan were confronting several internal political changes during the initial period of rapprochement. For India’s side, the past sustained dissonance with Islamabad has strained its ability to continue an internal dialogue with the various groups in Kashmir. Pakistan although has endured its standoff with India, it has also confronted with numerous threats along its border with Afghanistan, and its internal security environment continues to deteriorate.

India and Pakistan presumably disagree over the centrality of the Kashmir dispute in their historically bitter relations। For the Pakistan, Kashmir is a pivotal dispute that precludes normalization with India. Pakistan thus, seeks to engage India to find some means of altering, in various ways, the status quo and publicly rejects the possibility of transforming Line of Control (LON) into the international borders as a viable means of dispute resolution. For Pakistan the status quo is the problem, not the solution of the problem. New Delhi on the other hand, is loath to concede that there is even a valid dispute over Kashmir, claiming that that the 1947 accession of Kashmir to India during partition is as an indisputable fact. It then seeks to engage Pakistan to legitimize the territorial status quo by finding some means to formalize the Line of Control as the legal international border. Thus for India, status quo is a basis for a solution to the ongoing dispute over the disposition of Kashmir. There is no doubt that progress towards the settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute along with improved environment through interaction among Kashmiris on both sides of the Line of Control will greatly help the process of normalization of relations between Pakistan and India. Eventually the peace process must lead to the resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, which would usher in an era of good neighborly relations between the two countries. That environment would also be conducive to the conclusion of a treaty of friendship. Here, my recommendation towards peace process within the region and better relation between India and Pakistan would cover several numbers of opinions including the ideas regarding self-governance, demilitarization and joint management which have found resonance among Kashmiris on both sides of the Line of Control.

This proposal needs further consideration;
ü First, there should be a consistent attitude performed by the both India and Pakistan to retain any proposal and idea of peace process. Such agreement should be irreversible in a sense that no party would make any intention or action which would break and violate the agreed proposal. This could be further developed through cross-border transportation, managing inter-community contact such as sport and art as well as disarmament alongside borders and Siachen area.

ü Second, no toleration should be given to any terrorist actions which might devastate mutual relation between India and Pakistan. The issue of terrorism should have been one of the major rifts which both parties have to solve. This statement would reveal that each of India and Pakistan would guarantee its non-involvement to any terrorist attack confronted by other. Each party would assure not to let such terrorism to use their territory as its central bases. Any terrorist attack therefore needs to be solved through a more persuasive way by comprising mutual cooperation and effort. They should not provide any chance, however little for terrorism to break the establishment of peaceful relation of the region.

ü Third, a commitment is a must to further analyze and implement a long term direction of normalization including the issue of military prisoners and the settlement of Jammu and Kashmir as well as diplomatic relation which should be undertaken soon after.

ü The fourth step would point out the necessity of extending a wider sphere of mutual interaction and cooperation along the borders including partly bus transportation and inter-border trading system in Kashmir as well as assurance of final settlement over existing disputes. This would also include attempts to expand larger range where population contacts within India and Pakistan could be provided.

ü Fifth, a joint statement would result in any commitment to continually accelerate export-import activities of certain products and underline the need of larger business interaction. It seems that Indo-Pak attention might be gradually converted into economically more beneficial focuses or other strategic directions.

ü Sixth, the increased demand of public towards natural energy of gas and oil would have its effect in stimulating the creation of comprehensive dialogue undertaken by both parties. Many would greatly expect the benefits of a natural gas pipeline through Iran, Pakistan and India in fostering confidence between the two states. Thus the cooperation is believed to be apparently acquired through the aid or auspices of the World Bank. The dialogue would mediate any initiative relied upon to solve their mutual problem. The accessibility of this energy of gas and oil from Iran and middle Asia would finally require communal solution and aid. What I am going to say is that India and Pakistan could be brought into unity when they perceived collective threat or global enemy which could resist and undermine their internal economic and political stability. The issue of oil and gas, since then would comprehensively merit this consideration.

Above all, Kashmir region would not only retain its privileges of sovereignty but also ability to attain their own united territory. It should have been proposed that Kashmir be thoroughly integrated into the South Asia Free Trade Agreement, bringing economic benefits to all three parties, while leaving the status quo intact. Such economic integration would require massive infrastructure project, for example roads, transportation, communication, electricity management, and possibly even a reworking of the Indus Water Treaty.
As the foregoing proposal suggests, without creativity and commitment to dispute resolution, it is difficult to imagine normalization of Indo-Pakistan relations in the future. What should be done then is to implement such proposal into practical activities and hand to hand accept external aids to the extent that it would not dictate nor underestimate our sovereignty.

KEJUTAN KEBAHAGIAAN
Oleh: zhyntativ


Adalah diriku pulang dengan langkah gontai setelah seharian bergelut dengan tugas kantor dan bermacam kesibukan yang sangat melelahkan. Malam itu kudapati rumah yang sepi, tak ada istri yang seperti biasa menyambut dengan senyuman, tak ada juga canda dan tawa anak-anak yang berebut ingin memberikan salam dan cium tangan. Sungguh hari sangat melelahkan.
Perlahan kubuka pintu, namun tak seorangpun terlihat di ruang tamu. Hanya gelap dan semuanya gelap. “Aah...entah kemana mereka, barangkali mereka pergi keluar untuk sekedar jalan-jalan…”pikirku. Dengan malas, kulemparkan tubuh ini keatas sofa, namun…
Tiba-tiba terdengar suara “…Selamat Ulang Tahun Ayah!!!...”. kulihat dari ruang keluarga muncullah istri dan anak-anakku membawa sebuah kue tar yang dibentuk sedemikian rupa serta hiasan lilin ditengah-tengahnya. Sungguh betapa mereka sangat mengejutkanku. “Ahaa…hari ini adalah hari ulang tahunku” teriakku sembari menghampiri mereka dan memeluk mereka satu persatu. Lihatlah senyum dan tawa itu, lihatlah kebahagiaan yang dilimpahkan kepada kami. Betapa beruntung diri ini. Betapa mereka telah memberikan kejutan yang begitu membahagiakan.
Artinya, bahwa hidup manusia adalah kebahagian, dan kebahagiaan itu salah satunya adalah dengan memberikan kejutan terhadap orang yang berada disamping kita, orang-orang yang setiap hari bergaul dengan kita, sahabat-sahabat dan keluarga kita.
Renungkanlah ketika anda diletakkan dalam sebuah keadaan untuk menyikapi dua kemungkinan berikut ini. Antara seseorang yang mengharapkan sesuatu dari anda, misalkan sebuah jeruk dan kemudian anda memberikannya. Yang terjadi kemudian hanyalah “sekedar” ucapan terima kasih bahkan kadang basa-basi dan begitu seterusnya. Kemudian pada kesempatan kedua, anda lihat seorang teman menginginkan hal yang sama, namun hanya memendam keinginan tersebut. Maka berikanlah jeruk itu untuknya, dan lihatlah betapa dia akan mengatakan “dua kali terima kasih”. Sebuah pemberian yang tidak disangka-sangka, dan inilah kejutan untuknya.
Lihatlah kekuatan kejutan itu. Kejutan untuk ungkapan dua kali terima kasih, yang terucapkan oleh mulut dan tergerakkan oleh hati yang tulus. Bahwa untuk menumbuhkan dan memelihara ketulusan hati dan kasih sayang, kita memerlukan banyak kejutan kebahagiaan. Maka sebarkanlah kebahagiaan itu kepada siapa saja dan dimana saja.
Jika anda adalah seorang suami maka persembahkanlah sebuah kejutan untuk istri anda. Jika anda adalah seorang ayah, maka berikanlah kejutan itu untuk anak-anak anda. Jika anda adalah seorang atasan, maka berbagilah kebahagiaan dengan memberikan kejutan untuk bawahan anda. Dan jika anda adalah seorang teman, maka berikanlah kejutan itu untuk orang lain dan kepada siapa saja.
Lihatlah hari ini, betapa keluargaku telah mewujudkan kasih sayang mereka dengan sebuah perayaan kecil untuk ulang tahunku dan itulah kejutan kebahagiaan.

Persembahkanlah kejutan kebahagiaan untuk mereka, karena itu merupakan pernyataan yang cukup bahwa anda menyayangi mereka.
zhyntativ@yahoo.com





Sering kita merasa kehilangan terhadap sesuatu yang bukan milik kita
Dan ternyata semuanya hanyalah pinjaman dan titipan Tuhan kepada kita.
Maka jagalah pinjaman atau titipan itu, karena Tuhan akan segera menagihnya.
Tuhan setiap saat akan datang untuk mengambilnya dari kita.
Kewajiban setiap peminjam adalah mengembalikan.

Opini dan Analisa; OBAMA & USA 2009 ?

Opini dan Analisa

OBAMA & USA 2009 ?

Barack Obama adalah calon kuat presiden AS dalam pemilu presiden 2009 dari partai Demokrat. Ia adalah salah satu simbol perubahan perpolitikan AS pada khususnya dan dunia secara global. Perubahan itu bisa kita lihat dari setiap statement yang ia jual disetiap kampanye dihadapan ribuan pendukungnya. Kebijakan politik AS selama ini merupakan refleksi dari sebuah Ideology Oppressive Imperialistic yang selalu menekankan kekuatan militer sebagai determinant terhadap keamanan Negara serta kepentingan-kepentingannya. Situasi percaturan politik dunia menurut AS, adalah sebuah konsekwensi dari setiap kompetisi tanpa henti dan endurable clash of interests dimana setiap individu adalah musuh bagi individu yang lain.

Apa yang Obama coba tawarkan kepada warga AS dan dunia adalah sebuah Persuasive Diplomacy yang menekankan pada kerja sama dan mutual co-existence antar Negara, multikulturisme, pemanfaatan energy alternative, menghentikan pendudukan tentara AS di Iraq, pelarangan pemanfaatan energi nuklir serta pengembangannya dan lain-lain. Platform ini merupakan implementasi dari Ideologi Liberalist yang dianut Partai Demokrat. Ideology ini menekankan kerjasama antar negara, kebebasan individu, hak-hak warga Negara baik yang positif maupun negative, pembebasan politik dari nilai-nilai agama yang dogmatis, progessivitas ethics/ penisbian nilai-nilai dari setiap tradisi, penghapusan dominasi sebuah kelompok atas kelompok yang lain, kebijakan preventive terhadap segala kemungkinan timbulnya revolusi di masyarakat (mixed economy) dan lain sebagainya. Itu semua parallel dengan isu-isu yang diusung oleh para tokoh Socialist liberalism dan Socialist Progressivism. Tiga ideology ini nampaknya telah menjadi landasan berpikir dan pengambilan kebijakan seluruh presiden AS dari partai Demokrat.

Obama mengkritik kegagalan administrasi president Bush dalam pengiriman tentara AS ke Iraq. Kebijakan tersebut, menurutnya adalah naïf dan kesalahan konyol karena AS harus menghadapi masalah persiapan yang sulit, masalah pendudukan yang kompleks serta biaya dan konsekwensi yang tidak terbayangkan. AS terlanjur terlibat dalam sebuah perang sipil Negara lain yang telah merenggut korban kurang lebih 3.200 personel mati. Pengembangan teknologi nuklir oleh sebuah otoritas teokrasi menurut AS, meskipun untuk tujuan sipil, berpotensi menghancurkan perdamaian dunia. Namun, usaha untuk menyalahkan Iraq atas tuduhan kepemilikan senjata nuklir tersebut hingga saat ini belum terbukti. Akibatnya, AS harus kehilangan sejumlah besar dukungan rakyatnya dan malahan mendapatkan image yang jelek dari Negara-negara lain, khusunya Negara-negara Islam. Situasi dalam dan luar negeri yang kurang preferrable tersebut menjadi semakin kompleks apabila kita menunjuk dampak yang timbul kemudian, yaitu munculnya embrio-embrio terrorisme. Maka semua orang akan mengatakan hal yang sama, bahwa AS telah menciptakan musuhnya sendiri.

Dalam hal ini, Obama menyatakan kebijakannya tentang troops redeployment, yaitu penarikan mundur tentara AS dari Iraq secara bertahap selama 16 bulan. Masa depan Iraq menurutnya adalah hak dan tanggung jawab penuh bagi tiga kelompok besar di Iraq yaitu Sunni, Shiiet dan Kurds. Proses ini dimaksudkan sebagai sebuah usaha keluar yang bertanggung jawab (responsible exit) dari Iraq.

Tentang Iran, Obama memilih Aggressive Personal Diplomacy yang mengagendakan pertemuan dengan Ahmedinnajad (dan pemimpin-pemimpin Negara lain) dalam sebuah meja diplomasi yang diselenggarakan dalam sebuah framework of Mutual Understanding yang bersahabat dengan tanpa syarat. Obama nampaknya mencoba untuk tidak mengadakan pergantian kepemimpinan di Iran.

Dari sedikit ulasan diatas, nampaknya perubahan kebijakan politik dalam dan luar negeri AS akan mengalami perubahan yang sangat significant. Perhatian terhadap permasalahan humanitarian dalam negeri AS, akan mendapatkan prioritas paling tinggi dan kerja sama luar negeri akan terformat dalam sebuah agenda Beneficial Cooperation bukan occupation-based gains. Dunia islampun nampaknya cenderung menyambut baik perubahan sikap ini. Intervensi AS terhadap urusan dalam negeri Negara-negara Islam, seperti Iraq, Iran dan Afghanistan akan berkurang atau bahkan lenyap sama sekali.

Namun, itu adalah sebuah ketergesa-gesaan apabila kita menjadikan paragraph terakhir diatas sebagai conclusi dari tulisan ini. Saya ingin memaparkan sedikit analisa yang mungkin akan membuat kesimpulan kita sedikit berbeda.

Perang terhadap terrorisme nampaknya akan selalu menjadi top agenda bagi pemerintahan Obama. Proses penarikan pasukan dari Iraq tidak berarti meninggalkan wilayah itu tanpa menempatkan sejumlah personel militer untuk tetap mengakomodir dan menjaga beberapa kepentingan-kepentingan AS di dalamnya. Penempatan personel tersebut ditujukan untuk melatih personel militer Iraq, tentunya setelah diadakan rekonsiliasi politik antar kelompok-kelompok dominan, dan counterterrorisme yang berbasis di luar wilayah Iraq dengan tanpa melakukan aktivitas-aktivitas yang mungkin dianggap merupakan sinyal peperangan terhadap Iran.
Menempatkan sejumlah personel militer, meskipun dalam jumlah yang relative terbatas, membuktikan keengganan AS untuk meninggalkan Iran. Terlepas dari alasan-alasan kuno diatas, usaha penempatan personel tersebut bertujuan untuk mengamankan kepentingan eksploitasi minyak dan melakukan tindakan serta propaganda untuk mengendalikan wilayah tersebut tetap dalam kondisi yang tidak aman. Mengurangi jumlah tentara di Iraq secara gradual hanyalah sebuah skenario untuk mengalihkan focus dan target militer AS kedepan, yaitu untuk memerangi gerakan terrorisme yang berbasis di Afghanistan dan Iran. Hal ini diimbuhi dengan sebuah tuduhan tanpa bukti yang menyatakan keterlibatan Iran terhadap ketidakstabilan situasi sosial dan perpolitikan di Iraq dengan mempersenjatai Shiite.
Ternyata War against Terrorisme sekali lagi diekspoitasi oleh AS untuk menjadikan Iran sebagai target imperialis-nya. Padahal skenario ini sengaja dibuat sebagai kilah atas kesalahan dan kegagalan strategi AS di Iraq tersebut.

Hal lain yang perlu diungkap adalah bahwa Obama telah mendiskreditkan Islam sebagai sebuah komunitas besar (dengan jumlah pengikut kurang lebih 1,3 milyar) yang memiliki sumber-sumber terrorisme meskipun hanya sebuah entitas yang teramat kecil. Untuk itu, Obama akan menganggarkan 2 Milyar Dollar guna memerangi pengaruh sekolah Islam atau Madrasah yang telah menanamkan kebencian pada setiap pemuda terhadap AS. Islam, menurut Obama adalah sumber terrorisme yang nyata dan harus segera dimusnahkan. Obama menyatakan, AS akan melakukan setiap tindakan unilateral-nya untuk memberantas entitas terrorisme tersebut. Terkait masalah ini, AS akan segera mengirimkan kekuatan militernya untuk memerangi basi-basis terrorisme di Pakistan, apabila Presiden Musharraf tidak bersedia untuk mengambil tindakan tersebut.

Sekali lagi tentang Iran, kecurigaan AS terhadap program pengayakan Uranium di Iran sepertinya tidak akan pernah hilang. Kekuatan nuklir Iran berpotensi menimbulkan sense of insecurity di Timur Tengah. Iran adalah ancaman bagi keamanan dan stabilitas Timur Tengah. Sehingga dengan demikian Mesir, Turky atau Saudi Arabia dan Negara-negara lain harus mengcounter kekhawatiran tersebut dengan mengadopsi konsep Balance of Power. Konsep ini mendasari kebijakan untuk mengimbangi kekuatan nuklir musuh dengan mengembangkan kekuatan yang sama. Sehingga musuh akan berpikir seribu kali untuk menyerang lawan yang memiliki kekuatan seimbang dengan kekuatannya sendiri. Lebih mengkhawatirkan lagi, tambah AS, Iran memiliki jaringan yang luas untuk menyebarkan teknologi nuklirnya kepada jaringan-jaringan terrorisme transnegara. Kecurigaan ini paling tidak telah melatarbelakangi sikap AS untuk turun tangan dan mencampuri urusan Nuklir Iran.

Apa yang Obama ingin tawarkan kepada dunia terhadap Iran berupa Strategy of Aggressive Personal Approach dan kerja sama yang menguntungkan ternyata adalah konsep kerja sama yang lagi-lagi menunjukkan sikap arogan dan imperialist AS. Kampanye retorik Obama tentang perubahan kebijakan AS terhadap Iran nampaknya tidak akan membawa perubahan yang berarti terhadap masa depan Iran. Strategi stick and carrot memang tidak ada sangkut pautnya dengan penggunaan kekuataan militer untuk memperoleh suatu tujuan, sebaliknya strategi tersebut merupakan landasan terhadap pengaplikasian sanksi ekonomi terhadap sebuah Negara. Artinya, Iran menurut AS adalah Negara yang bandel dan sulit diatur. Oleh karenanya, Iran layak mendapatkan punishment. Ketika sanksi kasar yang berarti operasi militer tidak mendapatkan cukup dukungan dan relevansinya disangsikan, maka sanksi halus yaitu saksi ekonomi baik itu berupa embargo, kartel dan monopoli perdagangan menjadi pilihan AS untuk memberikan punishment-nya tersebut terhadap Iran.

Satu hal yang nampaknya relevan untuk kita bahas. Yaitu relevansi Aggressive Personal Approach tanpa syarat yang akan diaplikasikan oleh Obama terhadap rezim Ahmedinnajad, terhadap kepemimpinan Mahmoud Abbas dalam rangka perdamaian Palestina-Israel. Obama bersikeras bahwa perdamaian Timur Tengah tidak akan pernah tercapai sehingga Palestina mengakui eksistensi Israel sebagai Negara berdaulat dan menghentikan aktivitas-aktivitas terror-nya terhadap Israel. Ia menambahkan bahwa AS tidak akan pernah mengakui kemenangan HAMAS dalam setiap pemilu kecuali apabila kelompok tersebut menghapus program fundamentalnya untuk mengeliminasi Israel dari dunia. Lebih lajut Obama menegaskan konsistensi AS untuk terus bekerjasama dan melindungi Israel apabila Negara tersebut mendapatkan ancaman dari HAMAS. Kesimpulan implisit disini berusaha menunjukkan dominasi yahudi yang semakin kuat atas pemerintahan AS. Hegemoni Yahudi dalam pengambilan kebijakan dan keputusan dalam pemerintahan AS menginginkan konflik berkepanjangan di Palestina dan pada akhirnya memberikan ruangan bagi Israel untuk berdiri menjadi sebuah Negara yang merdeka.

Political Action committees (PACs) merupakan badan politik buatan Israel yang memiliki akses langsung maupun tidak langsung terhadap kekuatan dan propaganda AS. Richard Cohen dari Washington Post mengungkapkan fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa PACs merupakan penyumbang terbesar baik untuk partai Republik maupun Demokrat. Angka yang ditunjukkan berkisar 70 persen untuk partai Demokrat dan 35 untuk partai Republik. Fakta lain juga menunjukkan bahwa 20-30 persen milyarder AS adalah orang Yahudi. Bukan tidak mungkin bila kekuatan dana monetary yang besar mampu mengendalikan Negara besar seperti AS.

Hal ini berimplikasi bahwa siapapun presiden AS dan dari partai mana, tidak akan merubah sikap AS terhadap perdamaian di Timur Tengah. Karena konflik Timur Tengah merupakan agenda utama AS dan Israel, dan karenanya instabilitas serta konflik internal harus tetap dimunculkan dalam setiap pemerintahan di Palestina. Nampaknya pemerintahan AS pasca pemilu 2009, akan membawa sedikit perubahan yang kondusif terhadap pengembangan kerja-sama terkait masalah-masalah humanitarian, energi alternative, environtmental protection dan lain-lain. Namun tidak demikian dengan kebijakan luar negerinya terhadap Negara-negara Islam. Issu terrorisme, konflik berkepanjangan di Negara-negara Muslim terutama Israel-Palestina dan program nuklir Iran akan tetap menjadi top priority. Ironisnya agenda tersebut hanyalah refleksi kekuatan dan pengaruh lobby Israel yang tetap mendapatkan ruang dalam pemerintahan AS.



Referensi:

The New York Times, "A Candidate, His Minister and the Search for Faith" By Jodi Kantor, Published: April 30, 2007
Salon.com, "A new face for American diplomacy" By Hooman Majd Feb. 21, 2008.
The New York Times, "Obama Envisions New Iran Approach" By MICHAEL R. GORDON and JEFF ZELENY, Published: November 2, 2007.
The New York Times, "Obama Calls for Military Shift in U.S. Focus on Terrorism" By JEFF ZELENY, Published: August 2, 2007.
Jawa Pos dotcom, "Fakta Diplomasi Munafik Yahudi-AS", Resensi Buku : "The Power of Israel in USA", Penulis : James Petras, Moh Yasin, pustakawan, tinggal di Ciputat, alumnus Filsafat UIN Sunan Kalijaga Jogjakarta, Minggu, 24 Feb 2008,
Wikipedia Encyclopedia
Internazionale, "Lobi Israel" oleh Azyumardi Azra, Friday, February 1, 2008

Ulama-Military relation of the third world countries

Ulama-Military relation of the third world countries
By zhyntativ

Here, I would like to contribute a bit of theoretical thinking which is likely to invite further elaborate and suggestion. This will suggest that the current problems of multifaceted tragedy experienced by many of the third world countries are not necessarily result of internal stagnancies, rather vast interests and dictates of external world-shaping powers have been significantly accentuating the scene. What I want to promote is that all Muslim individuals, be they rulers, Ulama, military or and civil, should best realize the above defiance while offering an expected solution that may theoretically and practically be reached out and finally help us attain a desirable future of Islamic society। This short note challenges a bit of popular perception that Ulama (religious scholars) and military are not inseparable to shaping the governed society of, with the special reference to, the third world countries and argues that both Ulama and military are and have been, not to mention other significant components, playing their determining role to fashion their country including its ups and downs. These two elements have much to do with their societies.

There have been many obvious reasons for our discomfort about the legacy of imperialism and unilateralism that the United State has been managing into such a condition where all events of the world, partly its socio-economic and political formations, are to be compromised to its endurable interests. And the US seems to keep it that way so far that no other power is constantly able to compete against its contested authority. What the US has done to assist the others was merely pretense or camouflage through which they pledged to counter its challenging enemy, The USSR, and other perceived threats that undoubtedly might be posed by any transnational terrorist movement.
All of America’s handiwork therefore, has been conducted under the guise of freedom and democracy। And it is its self-perception which reveals that the US acts as a unique post-colonial free nation that is charged with the responsibility of leading the way for others in their quest for freedom। This presumably has created a felling of common hatred and anonymous perspective that are globally in full flourish। From the US’s way of looking at these challenges however, Bolshevism, Socialism, Communism and currently ongoing religious extremism have been suggesting its policy of waging wars, whether they were proxies, pre-emptive or preventive, that might result, as it always claimed, in ending all wars and unity of mankind. This seemingly acceptable project proved how selfishly powerful and determinant the US’s role is. As the Soviet Union collapsed, Fukuyama’s end of the History seemed to be apparently proven.

The US, however perceived that it could no longer sustain its long-span and grave superiority unless if it could annihilate a long-perceived threat of Islamic extremism. Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilization seemed to be among those theses contributed by intellectuals to this climate of ill-opinion and misgiving. Among what is implicit here is that Ummah, a conception that suggested an Islamic unity-in-diversity, is to be discouraged and if possible totally abolished from the soil. It is this “crime” that has made especially Muslims and other communities of the third world countries suffered a multidimensional burden that remained inescapably sophisticated.
This is to note that there has been a popular stereotype in these countries which tends to reveal, among other assumptions, the failure of colonialism to draw guiding line that might help them adopt all scientific and technological advancements West had acquired। Apparently, men of the third worlds have been stuck much in such perpetual backwardness whilst the range of which they were determined to chase after the superpowers, has been becoming wider, thus making both parties separable and differences more obvious। These characterizations and statements have, for obvious reason, significantly worsened by the era of Cold War. There was when the Third World countries had been victims of wars which The United State and Union of State Socialist Russia fought and of global tensions they might have caused.

The Third World Countries
It is necessary then to put forward how the ground realities of the third world countries are, and what severe realities they have been confronted with as results of the all-encompassing US’s imperialist role. Terminology of the third world countries is often given different interpretations. Among those interpretations is one that reveals the third world as meant not to be associated with the degree of socio-economic development in those particular countries. There are some quarters in the second world countries that are actually poorer than the third ones. This terminology was originally promoted by Alfred Sauvy of French in 1952 to distinguish numbers of countries impartial to neither the West (the US and its allies) nor the East (the Soviet and its allies), among whom the Cold War emerged. The former may be called the first world countries whereas the later the second world ones.
Apart from that, this would be worthwhile to point out that among the legacies of imperialism is military dictatorship that almost the third world countries experienced (even in today’s general occurrences)। Some sorts of socio-political and economic instability, in addition to other post-imperialist chaotic causes, drove those (military) rulers to avail their utmost strength and power of imposing or forcing so as to retain their throne by managing all ways available. Meanwhile, this very intend of the rulers collided with the necessity of better life which the masses always demanded, thus leading to formation of opposing powers that might address a challenge against the former’s authority. Such scenario of perpetual uncertainty and severe contention among the rulers and masses of the third world countries has been taking place whereby (Islamic) unity could hardly find its space of manifestation. That is the way it is now. That is just the fact the US likes it.

Military regime
Meanwhile, relation of civil-military role in the third world countries differs from that in the West. It shows more of complexity. While the West shared communal acceptance that military is subordinate to civil power, the relation of both sides in the third world countries tended to be developed and framed according to how historical processes and political culture occurred. Centralistic function of the third world countries’ military role bears on its expertise, cooperation and a firmed bureaucracy. Military therefore, has every integrative function to state’s creation. It is cohesive, integral and relatively committed not to a class or culture-based conflicts which most of the third world countries faced. This is true to substantial extent, although not entirely. Among motives that force the military involvement in state fashioning is the fading dignity of the present government in administering its function. It since then looses credibility and direction of winning the masses’ support. Bureaucratic disagreement among the organic institutions of the state apparently exacerbated by internal or external threats has stimulated the military role of counterinsurgency to take over the authority of the country. This, it upholds, is the way out as it is supposed to be. It is now the military reign wherein such conflict and instability are all but unthinkable.

Political involvement of Ulama
Ulama are guardians of the past and present, as assessors of the tradition and innovation, mediators between the Islamic ruler and the masses. They, by their learning, are to safeguard the principles upon which the religious institutions are grounded, and by their manner of life they are to win the respect and affection of the people. They defined the limits to which law and custom could accommodate all innovations. As in case of political toleration, the Ulama have exercised their role of mediation between (military) political power and its civil society. They have tolerated and even worked with oppressive (military) rulers. Some instances may be noteworthy like the issuance of fatwas in 1960’s to justify Nasser’s socialism and fifteen years later fatwas justifying Sadat’s capitalism.
This seemingly contradictory attitude of the Ulama might be traced back to what Al-Gazhali called Doctrine of Necessity revealing that life under tyrant ruler will amount to a lesser suffer and burden compared to that under a chaotic and anarchic condition। The Ulama has considerable power in many muslim countries, but their influence on the society is dependent upon how the strength of the secular authorities is. The Ulama, therefore cooperate with the rulers and play defending role or silently accepting the political decision of the authorities.

The Ulama has great influence on most Muslims, but this influence is easily destroyed when the Ulama loses its credibility. The credibility of the Ulama depends very much on their level of independence; if there is too much cooperation with the rulers; people will turn away from the ulama to find their religious guidance somewhere else, resulting in Ulama without power. Ulama which do not cooperate at all with the governments will face suppression and economic difficulties. There are cases where the Ulama have overthrown the governments, as it happened in 1979 in Iran.
In some cases, the relationship between the Ulama and the military, the holder of the power had common people puzzled। Some Ulama, in one hand, used to provide religious legitimation for the de-facto power holder, while in other hand, they share a general awareness that power corrupts and that proximity to those in power impairs the Ulama’s moral authority and integrity of their learning. The government’s efforts to involve the ulama in certain development programmes in order to lend them religious legitimation have at times caused these ulama some moral discomfort although this was no doubt attenuated by various forms of compensation. The Ulama since then find it difficult to define their positions, especially when confronted with the attitude of many government authorities.

Conclusion
Democracy, good governance or whatever pretext and excuse, for which the military regime imposed its forcing power is a natural process. I urge that it will not be any good forcing democracy to people. They need to come and acquire it very slowly. The military can not go out and impose democracy with a gun, for it would be like waging war for its sake. Undoubtedly, Retaining military-led authoritarian regime under the cover of the democracy and quoting religious justification on it is inevitably unjustified and fallible.
I would like to point out here, that Ulama, instead of being fooled by the corrupt (military) government, should better act as means of mobilizing Muslim support for the government’s development policies। They are to translate its policies into languages that the Ummah understands. It is about a discourse conceding the significance to which Ulama should better stand above all political processes and keep themselves not trying to gain any political power or control of the state. Their role is to offer advice and guidance to all those who are part of the political system. They should direct their criticism to both the ruling power as well as the opposition. Their moral and ethical guidance is accordingly not to be deleted; instead it should entirely frame the state’s running. That way they would be truly impartial and they would be free from the constraints of politics.

Military and Ulama are then side-by-side to function integrally as part of the state’s formation. Each should respect other’s very existence and work professionally to contribute to progress and development. All are committed to working together within a mutual understanding. Righteous leader presumably need to come up to accommodate this necessity and successfully fuse these two elements into a single and mutual readiness to run the government.



Reference:

1. Davis, Eric,"Ideology, Social Class and Islamic Radicalism in Modern Egypt, in from Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam", ed. By Said Amir Arjomand, Albany, N.Y:State University of Ner York Press, 1984.
2. Emareh, Mohamed "Islam as a moral and Political Ideal, in Thought reflections of Iqbal", Lahore, N.P, 1964.
3. http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki./
4. Looklex Encyclopaedia.
5. "Tayrat El-Faker El-Islami", Cairo, Dare-l-Shouroug, 1991.
6. The News, February 3, 2008.
7. Van Bruinessen, Martin “Indonesia’s Ulama and Politics; caught between legitimizing the status quo and searching for alternatives”, Prisma-the Indonesian indicator (Jakarta), No. 49, 1990.